PUKYONG

1920년 민간신문 구성원의 연결망 분석

Metadata Downloads
Alternative Title
An Analysis of Member Networks of Private Newspapers Founded in 1920
Abstract
This study considers certain characteristics of three private newspapers, Chosun Ilbo, Donga Ilbo and Sisa Sinmun, all of which were founded in 1920 through foundational members and writers for these newspapers.
As a result, Donga Ilbo and Sisa Sinmun consisted of members who had studied abroad and worked as reporters, while most of the members of Chosun Ilbo were those who studied domestically and a fewer number of which who had worked as reporters. The foundation of Donga Ilbo, especially, was led by reporters who had studied abroad.
In other words, Donga Ilbo was founded by ethnic capitalists, including Kim Sung-Soo, after many other young intellectuals had agreed to publish a newspaper together. The founding members of Donga Ilbo were divided into four groups. The leader of groups were Lee Sang-Hyup, Jin Hak-Moon, Jang Deok-Joon and Kim Sung-Soo. Lee Sang-Hyup was a reporter of Maeil Sinbo. Jin Hak-Moon and Jang Deok-Joon, both of whom studied in Japan. Kim Sung-Soo worked for Joong-Ang School and Kyungsung Spinning Company.
It is believed that during the foundation period, there was no separate management staff for Donga Ilbo, except for the nominal boss, and it was jointly operated by the central figures that led the foundation and who controlled the editorial department.
According to the list of members printed in the first issue of Donga Ilbo, the boss Park Young-Hyo is the only one who can be clearly classified into the management staff. However, he was merely the only member selected by the founders to obtain permission for publishing the paper from the Japanese Government-General of Korea. Each of these groups competed fiercely to acquire rights to edit and manage, beginning with the paper’s very establishment.
It seems that members of the Jang Deok-Joon and Jin Hak-Moon groups, who studied in Japan and had strong right-wing nationalist tendencies, used newspapers as a tool for cultivating their skills, whereas Maeil Sinbo group, led by Lee Sang-Hyup, was thoroughly practical and professional. Moreover, the Joong-Ang School and Kyungsung Spinning Company groups performed in such a way as to build up the power of Kim Sung-Soo in the editorial department.
In brief, the Jang Deok-Joon and Jin Hak-Moon factions played important roles in forming properties of Donga Ilbo, and Maeil Sinbo faction led by Lee Sang-Hyup was undoubtedly necessary for the creation of newspapers in the early years of the foundation, since there was almost no one who was experienced in the printing of daily newspapers except for members of Maeil Sinbo.
Contrary to this, Chosun Ilbo was established by young intellectuals employed by leaders of pro-Japanese groups, such as Song Byung-Joon and Lee Wan-Yong, as well as the Daejong Chinmokhoe, which was an organization consisting of pro-Japanese capitalists and other influential men. An analysis of why the Daejong Chinmokhoe removed itself from the management of Chosun Ilbo less than a year after it founded the newspaper reveals that it had no will or sense of duty in continuing to run it after suffering huge business losses.
In addition to this, it is assumed that the relationship between the leaders of the pro-Japanese groups, Song Byung-Joon and Lee Wang-Yong, also had a strong impact. They probably realized the necessity of possessing and operating newspapers in order to retain and strengthen their political positions following the 3.1 Independence Movement. Nonetheless, it was probably difficult for them to take the lead at foundational newspapers in a highly-energy social atmosphere that spoke against Japan and demanded independence.
For these reasons they brought Jo Jin-Tae, Ye Jong-Seok, Yoo Mun-Hwan, Kwan Byung-Ha, and Choi Gang from Daejong Chinmokhoe, whom they exerted their influence on in order to establish Chosun Ilbo. However, the Song Byung-Joon and Lee Wan-Yong factions, which were the management staff of Chosun Ilbo, didn't budge, and all the members were probably affected by the decisions of these two groups, since they had long been rivals with each other.
Thus, it can be claimed that Chosun Ilbo was founded by necessity by young intellectuals who were employed by pro-Japanese groups and pro-Japanese capitalists, regardless of their political tendencies. In the early days, Chosun Ilbo had a dual system that completely separated the management from the editorial staff. The management, which consisted of members of the Daejong Chinmokhoe, didn't become directly involved in the newspaper except for its management, but there weren't any reporters who belonged to this organization.
Sisa Sinmun was founded with similar intentions as Chosun Ilbo, but it lacked the same capability to raise funds for publication and operation on its own, unlike Chosun Ilbo. Although both of the capitalists and managers were pro-Japanese, there were no pro-Japanese sentiments in the pages of the early Chosun Ilbo. Some researchers have said that the earliest pages of Chosun Ilbo were even more anti-Japanese than Donga Ilbo, and they weren't wrong.
Probably the biggest reason why the original Chosun Ilbo had no pro-Japanese inclination was because people did not accept pro-Japanese articles in that era, when the will for independence had reached its peak after the 3.1 Independence Movement. It is also presumed that it was affected by the dual system that completely separated the management staff from the editorial staff.
However, it would be reasonable to say that this was a result of the fact that Donga Ilbo was not aggressive enough to write anti-Japanese articles rather than because Chosun Ilbo was anti-Japanese. Most of the reporters who helped to found Donga Ilbo were right-wing nationalists that thought improving skills took priority over independence. Accordingly, the early Donga Ilbo had obvious limits when it came to promoting the anti-Japanese independence movement. Sisa Sinmun was most likely meant to expose its pro-Japanese tendencies, judging from the high possibility that it was funded by the Japanese Government-General of Korea.
Author(s)
최상원
Issued Date
2012
Awarded Date
2012. 8
Type
Dissertation
Publisher
부경대학교
URI
https://repository.pknu.ac.kr:8443/handle/2021.oak/25032
http://pknu.dcollection.net/jsp/common/DcLoOrgPer.jsp?sItemId=000001964915
Alternative Author(s)
Choi Sang Won
Affiliation
부경대학교 대학원
Department
대학원 신문방송학과
Advisor
한혜경
Table Of Contents
Abstract

제1장. 서 론 1
1. 문제 제기 1
2. 연구 내용 7
3. 연구 방법 11

제2장. 선행연구 검토 13
1. 한국언론사에서 1920년의 의미 13
2. 1920년 전후 한국 언론 상황 16
1) 3·1운동 이전 16
2) 3·1운동 이후 18
3. 3대 민간신문 창간 과정 22
1) 한글 민간신문 발행 허가 22
2) 3대 민간신문의 창간 23
3) 3대 민간신문 창간의 의미 27
4. 1920년 전후 활동한 기자들에 관한 연구 29
1) 기자 개인의 일대기 연구 29
2) 언론 외적 활동 연구 29
3) 정치적 성향 연구 31

제3장. 『조선일보』 34
1. 창간기 기본현황 34
1) 인적 구성 34
2) 지면 구성 39
3) 잇따른 정간과 휴간 41
4) 글쓴이와 기사 논조 49
2. 창간기 구성원 분석 54
1) 대정친목회 내부 갈등 54
2) 『조선일보』와 송병준·이완용의 관계 57
3) 구성원의 약력 60
4) 사회연결망 분석 63
5) 구성원 조직도 70
6) 조진태·예종석 계열 71
7) 유문환·권병하·최강 계열 88
3. 소결 95

제4장. 『동아일보』 100
1. 창간기 기본현황 100
1) 인적 구성 100
2) 발행 현황과 지면 구성 101
3) 글쓴이와 기사 논조 105
2. 창간기 구성원 분석 110
1) 구성원 약력 110
2) 사회연결망 분석 113
3) 구성원 조직도 124
4) 이상협 계열 126
5) 진학문 계열 136
6) 장덕준 계열 147
7) 김성수 계열 165
3. 소결 170

제5장. 『시사신문』 175
1. 발행 현황과 인적 구성 175
2. 구성원 분석 176
1) 구성원의 약력 178
2) 사회연결망 분석 179
3) 구성원 조직도 180
4) 민원식 중심 구성 181
3. 소결 191

제6장. 결론 및 제한점 192
1. 『조선일보』 194
2. 『동아일보』 197
3. 『시사신문』 199
4. 제한점 199

참고 문헌 201
Degree
Doctor
Appears in Collections:
대학원 > 신문방송학과
Authorize & License
  • Authorize공개
Files in This Item:

Items in Repository are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.